AI-generated image of The Tower of Babel: Everyone is still building. Nobody is coordinating. The tower stands unfinished not because it was destroyed, but because the builders stopped understanding each other.
This week I was shocked at some of the things I heard from highly capable people. It was a peak, but the bewilderment has been building for some time. I said publicly that I was 50 per cent convinced it was time to grab a holy book, because what I was encountering had stopped making sense and I was no longer sure the explanation was entirely rational.
So I reached for one. That is the trader in me. When the model breaks, you go back to first principles. And first principles for a four-thousand-year-old problem might actually be four thousand years old.
The first story that matched what I was observing was not from Genesis. It was older. Around 2100 BCE, a Sumerian text called Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta recorded a king building a ziggurat while the god Enki confused the languages of the inhabited world. The Assyriologist Samuel Noah Kramer called it “The Babel of Tongues: A Sumerian Version.” It was written in southern Mesopotamia, in the land we now call Iraq, beside the conflict that prompted this essay. The Genesis account tells a version of the same story, composed later in the tradition. God left the tower standing, the builders still holding their skills, their tools, their ambition. He confused only the languages. The project failed not from external force but from internal incoherence.
Four thousand years later, the builders are still standing. The languages are still confused.
I have written before about information overload. This is different. Overload is a volume problem. What I observed this week is a coherence problem. People using identical words inside completely different realities. They had information. They lacked a common frame to process it through. Babel is the absence of a shared language, not the absence of language itself. Each dialect works perfectly within its own community. The collapse is between them, not within them.
There are at least two such dialects operating simultaneously. The first has detached entirely from verifiable evidence. In this dialect, public figures have been secretly replaced. Global events are scripted performances. Timelines contradict what can be verified but cohere within their own internal logic. The people speaking this language are not stupid. They are pattern-matching inside a closed mythology where coherence has replaced evidence as the standard of truth. This dialect persists because it serves a function the institutional language will not perform: it provides a moral architecture for people who feel the world has stopped making sense. When institutions fail people repeatedly and the institutional dialect insists the models are fine, some people abandon the institutions entirely and build a replacement cosmology. The replacement is often absurd. The departure was rational.
The second dialect is institutional. It references real data and operates within recognisable analytical frameworks. But the frameworks have stopped updating. A political scientist whose core body of published work sits in air power, terrorism, and political violence publishes a newspaper commentary. The commentary argues that a country with a GDP between USD400bn and USD475bn now qualifies as a global superpower alongside nations whose economies are tens of times larger. The claim fails on the evidence: superpower status requires sustained force projection across multiple theatres, independent technological capacity, and a financial architecture others depend on. The scholar also argues regime survivability under air attack and a demonstration effect for adversaries. These are real observations that describe a formidable regional spoiler. They do not describe a superpower. Disrupting one maritime corridor, however damaging in the current configuration, does not meet that threshold, particularly when the disruption weakens if escort operations materialise or supply chains reroute.
The two dialects are not equivalent in kind. The institutional dialect still references claims that can be checked and defeated by evidence. The conspiracy dialect has abandoned verification entirely. But they share a structural habit: both metabolise disconfirming evidence as confirmation rather than correction. The institutional dialect attributes failure to external shocks rather than revisiting the model. The conspiracy dialect treats contradiction as further proof of the conspiracy’s depth. The mechanism is the same. The recoverability is not. The conspiracy dialect has left the building entirely. This essay addresses the institutional dialect because it is the one this audience speaks, and the one that can still be corrected.
The evidence for the fracture is not anecdotal. It is the cleanest pattern in contemporary electoral politics, and it is visible first and most starkly in Africa.
In Zambia, Michael Sata won the presidency in 2011 on “lower taxes, more jobs, and money in your pockets.” His base was urban working-class voters and Copperbelt labour in a country where 60 per cent of the population lived below the poverty line (World Bank, 2010). In Kenya, William Ruto won in 2022 on the “hustler vs dynasties” narrative, the wheelbarrow as campaign symbol, informal sector workers and unemployed youth as the base. Scholarship on Ruto’s populism echoes the Zambian case and explicitly notes the strategic similarity. Both campaigns channelled economic discontent that the institutional class had failed to address. Both resonated with voters who had no use for policy papers because the policies had not reached them.
The populist base is not a third dialect. It contains people who still operate within the institutional frame, people who have moved into the conspiracy frame, and people who have abandoned both and vote from lived experience alone. What holds them together is not a shared language but a shared grievance. The institutional class cannot decode the coalition because it arrives in every register simultaneously.
The same pattern appears across the industrialised world. In the 2024 US election, Pew’s validated voter study shows Trump led by 14 points among voters without a college degree, while Harris led by 16 points among degree holders. Among voters earning under USD50,000, the margin swung from Democrat +22 in 2012 to Republican +2 in 2024 (Roper Centre exit polls, both years). The education gap has become one of the sharpest demographic predictors of partisan alignment in America, a structural inversion from the era when income was the primary dividing line. In France, the Rassemblement National won 45 per cent of blue-collar workers’ votes in the 2022 legislative elections (IPSOS post-election analysis). Support was strongest in departments with the lowest educational attainment and highest poverty (Reuters demographic analysis, April 2022). In Britain’s 2024 general election, Reform drew 23 per cent among lower-education voters and 8 per cent among degree holders (YouGov post-election breakdown), a ratio of nearly three to one.
Five countries. Three continents. The same tower, the same confusion of tongues.
The institutional response to this pattern has been remarkably consistent. Hillary Clinton called them a “basket of deplorables” in 2016. Gordon Brown dismissed a Labour voter’s immigration concerns as bigotry on a live microphone in 2010. David Axelrod, Obama’s adviser, observed that the Democratic Party approaches working-class voters in the spirit of a missionary: we are here to help you become more like us. Implied in that, he said, is disdain.
The institutional dialect cannot name populism’s cause because naming it would require examining what produced it. The technocratic consensus that shaped economic policy from the early 1990s delivered trade liberalisation without transition support and fiscal austerity applied asymmetrically. It delivered labour-market deregulation that suppressed wage growth while concentrating asset returns. It delivered immigration frameworks designed for aggregate economic benefit without accounting for the distributional strain on communities absorbing the change. The result was a generation of stagnant real incomes. In at least two of the signature episodes, the institutions themselves subsequently acknowledged the error. The IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office reviewed the Asian crisis programme design. The Bank of England commissioned the Bernanke Review of its inflation forecasting after the 2021 to 2022 failures. These reviews were exceptions, not the norm, and both arrived after prolonged institutional resistance to acknowledging the error. Other forces contributed. Technological displacement, demographic shifts, and globalisation would have restructured labour markets regardless of policy choices. The technocratic consensus did not cause all of this alone. But it claimed to manage all of it. And when the management failed, it demanded continued authority over the response. The question is whether the credential survived the outcome.
The institutional pipeline that fed these frameworks into central banks, treasuries, and multilateral organisations also produced a policy class that internalised them as settled science rather than contestable choices. The metrics they optimised (GDP growth, inflation management, trade volumes) were never designed to capture household-level welfare divergence. When household welfare diverged, the metrics said everything was fine. That is the mechanism. The dialect does not reject evidence. It reads evidence the model was designed to capture and structurally misses the evidence it was not.
The institutional dialect extends beyond policy into media. The same credentialing pipeline that feeds central banks and treasuries also feeds prestige newsrooms. Scholars become television commentators. Policy professionals become op-ed columnists. The amplification system reinforces the dialect. When audiences whose lived experience contradicts the institutional framing stop recognising themselves in the coverage, they leave. The growth of alternative media, podcasts, independent newsletters, and social commentary platforms, is evidence that the fracture already existed and the institutional media class was the last to notice. Algorithmic sorting accelerated the separation. But it accelerated a fracture that was already structural. The grievance preceded the platform. The platform gave it a dialect.
We carry our own dialects. Those of us trained in markets learned to evaluate claims by outcomes rather than by source. That discipline is useful. But it also trained us to discount anything that cannot be priced, which means we can be blind to the things that move people precisely because they cannot be quantified. The conspiracy dialect persists because it offers coherence where we offer only data. We do not share that architecture. But dismissing it without understanding why it exists is deafness. This essay is written from inside a dialect, not above the tower. Its value, if any, lies in the phenomenon being visible enough that even a partial view is worth publishing.
Some of the institutional deafness may not be deafness at all. Some of it may be strategic. The institutional class contains people who genuinely cannot decode the populist register and people who decode it perfectly but refuse to engage because engagement would legitimise a threat to their position. This essay addresses the first group. The second group does not need a diagnosis. It needs an adversary.
The tower was never destroyed from the outside. The languages confused themselves. The builders are still standing. They still have their tools. They cannot coordinate because they have lost the shared language that once made coordination possible.
Expertise is not a title or an institutional address. It is demonstrated competence within a specific domain, tested against outcomes.
The tower will not be rebuilt by either dialect speaking louder, by the institutional class demanding deference its track record has not earned, or by the conspiracy class retreating further into a cosmology the rest of us cannot enter. If it is rebuilt at all, it will be rebuilt by people willing to do the most uncomfortable thing either dialect can imagine: cross the floor and learn the other grammar. The goal is hearing what the other side is actually saying. The person on the other side of the fracture is speaking a language we never learned.
The tower does not care how fluent we are. It only cares whether the builders can still understand each other.